In the cacophonous world of modern politics, polarisation often appears to be the defining trait of our age. The far-left and far-right scream past one another in their ideological battles, each insisting they are the true resistance against tyranny, capitalism, globalism, or colonialism. But in one chilling respect, these opposites often agree: the scapegoating of Jews.
The horseshoe theory — which suggests that the extremes of the political spectrum curve toward one another rather than existing at opposite ends — finds no clearer vindication than in the realm of antisemitism. Though dressed in different language and ideological justifications, both the far-right and far-left increasingly converge on narratives that depict Jews or Israel as uniquely malevolent actors in world affairs.
Old Hatreds, New Hosts
The far-right’s antisemitism is familiar and ancient. It invokes classical tropes: Jews as racial contaminants, subversive elements controlling finance, media, or immigration. Neo-Nazi movements and white supremacists spout the “Great Replacement Theory,” which falsely claims Jews orchestrate non-European immigration to “replace” white populations. Holocaust denial, admiration for Hitler, and attacks on synagogues are the violent expressions of these toxic beliefs.
But the far-left has not been immune to antisemitism. In recent years, it has adopted a different — but no less dangerous — form: one that cloaks itself in the rhetoric of social justice, anti-racism, and decolonisation. Here, Jews are not subversive infiltrators but instead framed as white, colonial oppressors — agents of Western imperialism and ethnic privilege. Israel, the world’s only Jewish state, becomes the stand-in for Jewish people globally, cast as a singular evil in the international order.
This antisemitism is often expressed through anti-Zionist ideology, which — when it goes beyond criticism of policy and into calls for Israel’s destruction — crosses a red line. The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, far from being a campaign for human rights, frequently becomes a conduit for denying the Jewish people the very self-determination afforded to every other nation.
One Hatred, Many Masks
The convergence of these extremes is not merely theoretical. It is observable in the ways both far-left and far-right movements:
- Obsess over Jewish influence — whether through conspiracy theories about George Soros on the right or accusations of “Zionist control” of media and governments on the left.
- Equate Israel with Nazi Germany — whitewashing the Holocaust by claiming the victims have become the new perpetrators.
- Propagate ancient tropes in modern packaging, from the blood libel to the idea of dual loyalty.
It is no coincidence that the red triangle — originally a Nazi concentration camp badge — has been revived by anti-Israel activists on social media. Or that the Rothschild family remains a common thread in conspiracy theories shared in both far-right Telegram groups and far-left academic discourse. In these spaces, antisemitism has been universalised: the Jew is forever the villain, regardless of whether he is seen as dangerously too rich or suspiciously too successful in victimhood.
The Israel Exception
Israel, as the “Jew among the nations,” bears the brunt of this convergence. It is not just criticised, but exceptionalised. Human rights abuses in Iran, Syria, North Korea, or China are brushed aside, while every Israeli action is painted as proof of systemic evil. The very existence of the Jewish state is declared a “catastrophe” (Nakba) by the same leftist activists who, ironically, defend the right of every other indigenous people to national expression.
On the right, the contradiction is just as stark. Antisemitic nationalists may support Israel only as a fortress of ethno-nationalism, a convenient outpost in a civilisational war against Islam — not because they recognise Jewish peoplehood or Zionism’s legitimacy. Their praise is not solidarity; it is instrumentalisation.
New Zealand Is Not Immune
New Zealand has not escaped this trend. Anti-Zionist rhetoric has crept into university campuses, city councils, and even Parliament. Pro-Palestinian activism increasingly blurs into antisemitism: murals celebrating terrorist “martyrs,” social media posts promoting slogans like “From the River to the Sea,” and public support for Hamas-affiliated causes are becoming alarmingly normalised. In these contexts, Jews are told they must denounce Israel to be accepted in progressive spaces — a modern loyalty test reminiscent of older, darker times.
Fighting the Convergence
Recognising the horseshoe of antisemitism is essential if we are to effectively combat it. We must reject the convenient fiction that antisemitism is confined to one political camp. The far-right and far-left do not simply tolerate antisemitism — they often depend on it to define their enemies and justify their ideologies.
That is why strategies to counter antisemitism must be nonpartisan, intellectually honest, and morally consistent. Denouncing white supremacist attacks while excusing antisemitism cloaked in “anti-Israel” activism is hypocrisy. So too is condemning antisemitism on the left while embracing antisemitic conspiracy theories on the right.
Jews must not be forced to choose between safety from the far right and acceptance from the far left. They deserve both. And so does New Zealand.
Conclusion
Antisemitism, like a virus, adapts. Today it wears the guises of social justice and nationalism alike. But the target remains the same. When far-left and far-right extremists find common ground in their hatred of Jews, we should not marvel at the paradox — we should be alarmed by the pattern.
The extremes are not as far apart as they pretend. In the crooked arc of political radicalism, the horseshoe meets at its sharpest point — and at that junction, antisemitism thrives.
