New Zealand’s One-Way Sanctions Policy

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The New Zealand Government’s decision to impose travel bans on three Israeli settlers will likely attract little attention outside diplomatic circles. Few New Zealanders have heard of Itamar Yehuda Levi, Harel David Libi, or Eliav Libi, and it is doubtful that access to New Zealand was a priority concern for any of them.

Yet the significance of the announcement lies not in the individuals themselves, but in what the decision reveals about the direction of New Zealand’s foreign policy.

Foreign Minister Winston Peters justified the travel bans on the grounds that the three settlers had allegedly contributed to violence, displacement, and instability in Judea and Samaria (the “West Bank”). The Government stressed that the measures were directed at specific individuals rather than the Israeli people or the Israeli Government.

Violence against civilians should be condemned wherever it occurs. If these individuals have committed criminal acts, they should be held accountable under the law. No serious supporter of Israel should have difficulty saying so.

The question is not whether violence deserves condemnation. The question is whether New Zealand applies that principle consistently. Increasingly, the answer appears to be no.

Over the past year New Zealand has adopted a series of increasingly punitive diplomatic measures directed at Israeli actors. The Israeli ambassador has been summoned to explain government actions. Ministers have joined international statements condemning settlement activity and warning of further consequences. Travel bans have been imposed on Israeli politicians. Now additional sanctions have been directed at individual settlers.

Each action may be defensible on its own terms. Taken together, however, they reveal a striking pattern: New Zealand appears willing to employ diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and public censure when Israelis are involved, while applying a markedly different standard to Palestinian actors.

This asymmetry is difficult to ignore. While each decision can be defended individually, the cumulative effect is a policy that appears increasingly willing to sanction Israeli actors while treating comparable Palestinian conduct through a different diplomatic lens.

The Government argues that these sanctions are intended to deter violence and preserve the possibility of a two-state solution. 

Yet violence is not a phenomenon confined to one side of the conflict. If New Zealand’s objective is genuinely to encourage conditions conducive to peace, then the question extends beyond isolated acts of violence. It also includes the institutions, incentives, and political cultures that shape attitudes toward coexistence.

Against that standard, it is difficult to reconcile official support for a two-state solution with the continued funding of educational systems that teach future generations that the entire land belongs exclusively to Arabs and that violence against Jews is legitimate. Some of these materials have been produced or approved by official Palestinian institutions, yet no comparable sanctions have been directed at those responsible.

The Palestinian Authority also continues to face criticism for policies that provide financial payments to imprisoned terrorists and to the families of those killed while carrying out attacks. These payments have been controversial for decades and have prompted legislative responses abroad, including the United States’ Taylor Force Act. International observers have likewise documented persistent problems of official incitement and the glorification of violence within parts of Palestinian political culture.

This is not an argument against sanctions. Targeted sanctions can be a legitimate foreign-policy tool when individuals contribute to violence or undermine prospects for peace. The question is whether New Zealand is willing to apply that tool consistently. A sanctions regime that operates in only one direction risks appearing less like a defence of principle and more like a statement of political preference.

Armed groups operating in Judea and Samaria continue to carry out shootings, stabbings, and attempted bombings against Israeli civilians. Yet New Zealand’s response to these phenomena has largely been confined to statements of concern.

No Palestinian political figures have been subjected to comparable travel bans.

No Palestinian Authority officials have faced targeted sanctions over policies that reward or incentivise political violence.

No equivalent campaign of diplomatic pressure has emerged against the institutions that sustain incitement, glorify terrorism, or undermine peaceful co-existence.

This disparity matters because sanctions are not merely symbolic. They communicate moral priorities. They also signal which forms of misconduct a government considers sufficiently serious to warrant tangible consequences.

Governments inevitably make choices about which behaviours merit condemnation, which actors deserve punishment, and which conflicts demand attention. Those choices reveal how principles are being applied in practice.

The problem is not that New Zealand condemns “settler” violence. The problem is that New Zealand increasingly appears to reserve coercive measures for Israeli misconduct while addressing Palestinian misconduct through rhetoric. More troublingly, some of the institutions receiving international assistance continue to promote narratives and incentives that undermine peaceful coexistence and a genuine two-state outcome.

Such an approach creates the impression that Israeli actions are individually attributable and diplomatically actionable, while Palestinian violence is more often absorbed into broader narratives of grievance, occupation, and historical circumstance.

That distinction is neither fair nor sustainable.

A genuine commitment to a rules-based international order requires consistency. The same standards should apply regardless of nationality, ethnicity, religion, or political cause. Violence against civilians is wrong whether committed by settlers, terrorists, militias, or governments. Incitement is wrong regardless of who engages in it. Support for those who commit acts of terror should attract scrutiny regardless of whether the perpetrators claim nationalist, religious, or ideological justification.

New Zealand frequently presents itself as an independent foreign policy actor guided by universal principles rather than political expediency. Small states depend upon the credibility of international norms more than most. That credibility, however, depends upon even-handed application.

The issue raised by these latest travel bans is therefore larger than three settlers.

It is whether New Zealand is developing a sanctions policy grounded in universal principles or one increasingly shaped by selective enforcement. Once sanctions become detached from consistent standards and tied instead to particular actors or political narratives, their credibility inevitably erodes.

If violence, displacement, incitement, and opposition to peace are the criteria, then those standards should apply to everyone. A consistent policy would not require New Zealand to abandon sanctions against Israeli extremists. It would require Wellington to apply the same scrutiny to Palestinian actors who promote, reward, facilitate, or glorify violence.

Otherwise, New Zealand risks sending a message that some forms of extremism merit punishment while others merely merit explanation.

And consistency is the foundation upon which any credible foreign policy must rest.